The vibrant cultural landscape of New Mexico, a state steeped in rich history and diverse traditions, offers a fascinating study in language convergence, particularly concerning the Mexican Language. Lillian Gorman, an expert in Spanish sociolinguistics and U.S. Latinx cultural studies from the University of Arizona, delved into these intricate dynamics during her time as a visiting professor at The University of New Mexico. Her research, focusing on ethnolinguistic recontact zones in northern New Mexico, reveals how interactions between first-generation Mexican immigrant communities and long-established northern New Mexican communities shape not only Spanish language use but also perceptions of personal identity.
Gorman’s work, which forms the basis of her book project on ethnolinguistic recontact zones in New Mexico, highlights the often-overlooked internal variations within Hispanic communities in New Mexico, especially in the northern region. By interviewing nine New Mexican families with one parent of nuevomexicano heritage and the other a first-generation Mexican immigrant (defined as someone migrating to the U.S. after age 12), Gorman aimed to uncover the nuances of interaction, both similarities and differences, between these groups.
Unpacking Ethnolinguistic Recontact Zones
To understand the framework of Gorman’s research, it’s crucial to grasp the concept of ethnolinguistic recontact zones. This idea merges two theoretical perspectives: ethnolinguistic identity and zones of contact. Ethnolinguistic identity refers to an individual’s deeply held beliefs about language and its connection to their sense of self. Zones of contact, on the other hand, are areas characterized by power imbalances between a dominant majority group and a less powerful minority group. These zones are studied to understand how these groups mutually influence one another, particularly in terms of language and culture.
Gorman’s book project, titled “Ethnolinguistic Recontact Zones: U.S. Latina/o identities and language among Nuevomexicano Families in Northern New Mexico*,” expands on her previous dissertation research. She sought to address pre-existing assumptions and beliefs that different communities hold about each other, which may not always be grounded in actual, everyday interactions. However, Gorman also emphasized the importance of those real, daily interactions and intimate relationships that many New Mexicans experience, shaping their understanding of each other.
The Resurgence of Spanish and the Mexican Language Influence
A key finding in Gorman’s research is the concept of language recontact, particularly how Mexican language interaction revitalizes Spanish usage within nuevomexicano families. The nuevomexicano heritage, with roots stretching back centuries in New Mexico, has seen a gradual shift away from Spanish over generations. However, when a nuevomexicano individual partners with someone from Mexico, a fascinating linguistic phenomenon occurs. The nuevomexicano partner often experiences a renewed confidence and engagement with their Spanish language skills.
This resurgence is significant because it counters the general trend of Spanish language loss across generations in northern New Mexico. Gorman observed that couples in these recontact zones even adopted new vocabulary and speech patterns from one another, creating a dynamic linguistic exchange. The influence of the Mexican language was not limited to the spouses; it extended to their adult children as well.
Navigating “Correct” Spanish and Dialectal Variations
Interestingly, while adult children in these families also showed an improved relationship with Spanish, they exhibited a heightened concern for speaking “correct” Spanish. Gorman pointed out that nuevomexicano Spanish, a distinct dialect with unique vocabulary and historical roots, differs from the varieties of Spanish spoken by Mexican individuals. This difference sometimes led to “battles” within families over which word or expression was considered “correct.”
Adult children tended to validate language usage based on whether it was employed by the Mexican parent or their Mexican relatives. They were less accepting of variations and showed less tolerance for Spanglish, the blending of English and Spanish. Spanglish, often associated with the nuevomexicano side of the family, was sometimes perceived by these children as incorrect or “made-up” Spanish.
However, Gorman shared an anecdote from a participant who, while discussing linguistic differences with her mother in Mexico, was told that the nuevomexicano way of speaking wasn’t wrong, but rather older, reminiscent of her grandparents’ speech. This realization highlights a crucial transformation: the recognition of mutual linguistic knowledge and the understanding that different dialects are valid forms of the Spanish language.
Gorman suggests that the adult children’s rigidity might stem from past experiences, possibly being teased by their Mexican family members for using nuevomexicano dialect or Spanglish. In contrast, the Mexican parents in Gorman’s interviews, and the nuevomexicano parents, were generally more accepting and frequently used code-switching and Spanglish themselves, reflecting their own linguistic backgrounds and norms.
Identity, Language, and Place
Beyond language usage, Gorman’s research also explored the strong link between language and identity, particularly among the adult children in these families. She found that these individuals were hesitant to self-identify as Mexican, despite acknowledging their Mexican heritage through a parent. This reluctance was often tied to their perceived Spanish language proficiency. They felt they couldn’t fully claim a Mexican identity without a certain level of fluency in what they considered “Mexican Spanish.”
Furthermore, Gorman observed a significant connection between identity and place. Most participants identified as Hispanic, using this term to describe their New Mexican identity. However, this wasn’t simply an adoption of the broad, governmental term “Hispanic” used in census data. Instead, it was a place-based identity, rooted in their New Mexican context.
Gorman notes that while “Hispanic” is often viewed as a panethnic term in the broader American context, imposed by government classifications, she also uses “Latina/o” as a panethnic term to ensure her research is relevant to the field of Latinx studies. However, she acknowledges that “Latina/o” is primarily a theoretical term and not commonly used for self-identification in New Mexico, especially in the northern regions.
Having personal roots in Albuquerque and northern New Mexico, Gorman hopes her research will empower nuevomexicanos to connect more effectively with other Latino groups and foster dialogue about nuevomexicano identity. She aims to enable nuevomexicanos to articulate their experiences, engage in broader conversations, and ultimately strengthen inter-Latino understanding and solidarity.
Ultimately, Gorman’s research underscores the complexity and richness of relationships between different Latino groups within New Mexico. She emphasizes the power in learning about each other’s histories, shared experiences, and distinct perspectives. Understanding both commonalities and differences is crucial for building stronger, more cohesive Latino communities and for nuevomexicanos to confidently define and express their unique identity within the larger Latino landscape.
